

Nowadays defection is, above all, business, controlled by defection specialists known as “brokers’. If they are paid a fee which currently fluctuates around $2000-$3000 per head but in some special cases might go higher, they can move a person from borderland areas to a third country where they would go to a South Korean consulate or embassy (usually, in Thailand or Mongolia). In third countries (but not in China) South Korean diplomats issue defectors with provisional travel documents and a ticket to Seoul.
The money which is necessary to pay for the broker’s service comes from different channels. In most cases, the sum is provided by a family member who has already reached Seoul. Acquiring this money independently is well beyond the means of the average North Korean refugee in China.
Upon arrival defectors go through a few weeks of debriefing by the South Korean intelligence agencies (admittedly, most of them don’t have much of interest to tell the South Korean authorities). This is followed by three months of readjustment training at Hanawon, a special reeducation facility for refugees. There the new arrivals are briefly lectured on the wonders of liberal democracy as well as provided with somewhat more useful knowledge about foodstuffs available in South Korean shops and the way to pay for a subway ticket in Seoul. Then they are provided with a modest accommodation (heavily subsidized by the government) and some stipend for the initial expenses (the sum varies, but the rough average is around $10,000 per person).



"My guess is that that the short-run answer and the long-run answer are quite different. For example, if you raised the top rate from 35 to, say, 60 percent, you might raise revenue in the short run.
Over time, however, you would get lower economic growth, so the additional revenues would fall off and eventually decline below what they would have been at the lower rate.... I will pass on offering a specific number, as it would require more time and thought than I can offer just now, but I will opine that I think the long-run answer is actually more important for policy purposes than the short-run answer."

As the twentieth century closed, conflict afflicted more and more
countries. By some accounts, conflict represented the central impediment to African development.
Second, as wars ended in the early years of the new century, governments and researchers could safely collect micro data. In a few especially valuable instances, enterprising researchers followed up representative samples of pre-war national household surveys to create a pre- and post-war panel.
Combined with data on the location and severity of war violence, these panels could be used to create differences-in-differences estimates of the micro-level impacts of war. In most war-torn nations, unfortunately, pre-war data were destroyed or (more often) never existed in the first place.
Thus another approach has been to collect cross-sectional data after war, using plausibly exogenous variation in violence to assess the lasting effects. Nearly all our micro-evidence on war comes from one of these two (largely reduced-form) empirical strategies. Structural modeling and estimation of war impacts remains unfortunately rare.
It is tempting to assume that war always and everywhere diminishes social and institutional strength. There are clear instances of war doing just this: polarizing ethnic tensions in Sudan or Nigeria, or prompting looting and capital flight in 1990s Sierra Leone and Liberia.
Nevertheless, war can sometimes have the opposite effect. At the macro-level, Latin America’s and (especially) Europe’s state stability and strength are commonly attributed to centuries of internal and external warfare. Political scientists have drawn modern parallels to African states like Uganda and Rwanda,whose institutions appear to have emerged stronger from conflict.



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